Court of Injustice

By Waqar Gillani

Raashid Emanuel and Sajid Emanuel, two blasphemy accused brothers living in a lower middle-class suburb of Faisalabad, were shot dead by an unknown assailant on July 19 morning only 18 days after a case was registered against them.

Till before their death, police was investigating to prove the charges, and the two accused had not confessed issuing blasphemous remarks printed in a phamphlet, according to senior investigator Muhammad Hanif.

The attacker -- still untraced by the police -- targeted the brothers a few yards away from the courtroom of senior civil judge at the highly guarded district courts in Faisalabad when a police officer was escorting them back to the jail.

"The attacker was a young man clad in lawyer's uniform – white shirt and black pants. He ran towards the rear side of the court building after the attack," says eyewitness Asad Ali, 42, a rickshaw driver, while showing bloodstains of the victims and bullet marks on the court's corridors walls a day after the incident. "Many people saw him running, but nobody dared catch him because he was carrying a gun. The police inspector tried to chase him but he was also shot and injured by the attacker," he adds.

Towards the end of June, according to police investigators, one man called Bilal found a blasphemous pamphlet, carrying derogatory remarks against Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and preaching Christianity. The two-page handwritten pamphlet surprisingly contained the names of two accused brothers and their contact numbers. "Somebody threw this handwritten pamphlet in Bilal's lap while commuting in a public transport bus coming to Faisalabad," a police investigator tells TNS while sitting in his office in Faisalabad.

Bilal handed over this pamphlet to Muhammad Ashraf, a worker in a printing factory. Ashraf gave this to the factory manager Muhammad Khurram Shahzad, 35, who informed the clerics of the city's main mosque leading to a hue and cry in the city.

A case under section 295C of Pakistan Penal Code was lodged by Muhammad Khurram Shahzad against the two brothers on July 1. The police arrested Raashid on July 5 while his younger brother surrendered a couple of days later after the police talked to the local Christian elders. "There were protests and announcements were made from various mosques against the accused," says Joseph Coutts, Catholic Bishop of Faisalabad. "The whole episode seems to be a trap as no one dare write blasphemous content and give his phone numbers and address as well."

Coutts adds after lodging the case, some extremist groups started protesting and demanding death sentence for the accused. There were threats after the FIR was lodged, but no security was provided to them.

The poor localities of Warispura and Daud Nagar in Faisalabad -- the industrial hub and the third largest city of Pakistan -- turned into a battlefield on Monday night when riots erupted after Christians started protesting against the killing of the two brothers. Following their violent protest, the Muslims in the area allegedly vandalised shops owned by Christians and desecrated local churches. Heavy contingents of police were deployed there to control the situation.

"Many scared Christian families have fled the area," says Nadeem Masih, 35, a resident of the locality. "Police was also siding with Muslims as it blocked our rally and took no action against the Muslim rioters."

Khadim Hussain Anwar, a Muslim resident of the area, tells TNS the derogatory pamphlet was widely circulated and led to protests by Muslim youth. "Photocopies of the pamphlet were circulated through shops and mosques," says human rights activist Sabir Anthony.

Lahore High Court Chief Justice took a suo motu notice of the killing of two alleged blasphemers and ordered a judicial inquiry into the matter two days after the attack. The regional police chief accepted before the court that they failed to ensure foolproof security to the victims, the Punjab law minister also admitted this in the Punjab Assembly session last Wednesday.

Muhammad Khurram Shahzad, the complainant in the case, has 'disappeared' after the incident. "I had no personal grudge against the brothers. I just got a pamphlet from my clerk and handed it over to authorities for a fair probe, and it was the police's job to look into it," he tells TNS on phone. "Authorities have advised me not to disclose my location as the situation is very tense. A week after the case was lodged, a Tehrik-e-Hurmat-e-Rasool (THR) delegation came to me, saying that henceforth they would follow the case. I don't know what happened after that."

THR is an alliance of different religious parties with Jamaatud Dawa (JuD) on the forefront. The movement for the past few months has been campaigning against Facebook after alleged blasphemous content.

A high-up of THR, asking not to be named, expressed ignorance about any meeting with Shahzad. "The protests started only after Christians held a violent protest and these protests were not held by any particular organisation. It was a spontaneous reaction by the local Muslim community," the THR official maintains.

Following the tension, police have lodged a case against around 800 Christians to pacify the charged Muslim community. "There are a few persons who always spread hatred against Christians in the area," says Iftikhar Masih, 29. "Hate speech is common against us. We think that Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan and Tehrik-e-Hurmat-e-Rasool are the groups that stoked violence. Some shops and mosques had also been distributing cassettes of hate speeches against us."

Father of the victims, Emanuel is a retired low grade government officials. He has left the area along with his three sons and one daughter. Rashid Emanuel was married a year ago and was a pastor running a prayer group in the area. His younger brother Sajid was doing MBA. "We have no enmity. My brothers always denied this allegation," says a scared Sajan Masih, elder brother of the victims, while talking to TNS from a safe place. "We demand justice."

Police are still clueless about the killer and equally ignorant about the provocative speeches and protests in the area and distribution of pamphlets.

Handwriting expert's report to confirm if the pamphlet's writing samples matches the victim's writing is still awaited, an investigator tells TNS requesting anonymity.

Rana Ahmad Hassan, Senior Superintendent Police (investigations) and acting operational chief of Faisalabad, has nothing to add. "Why are you asking about the investigations? Don't you know this is a sensitive case? I cannot share anything with you," he tells TNS.

Attacks on Pakistani shrines — the new agenda

By Waqar Gillani

At least 44 people were killed in the suicidal attack on Data Darbar, on July 1, at the time when religious rituals were going on. The attack, first of its kind on any shrine in Punjab, allegedly by the religious extremists working as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), was not quite unexpected, going by the reports of the Pakistani security forces. However, it could not be averted. Monday last, the city police chief admitted before the Lahore High Court that it was a major security lapse.

Over the last year or so, Lahore has seen a number of attacks on its security forces and religious places. The most recent few -- on Ahmadiyya worship places and Data Darbar shrine -- are sectarian in nature that killed at least 130 people and injured more than 300, according to the official reports.

Attacks on shrines of Sufi poets and mystics is not a new phenomenon in the history of the TTP-led religious extremism. Sainthood and shrines are a concept in which the Deoband-dominated TTP does not believe in. The concept is also unacceptable to another 'jihadi' outfit, Jamaatud Dawa (JuD), which is predominantly controlled by the Wahabi school of thought. The JuD -- the parent organisation of Lashkar-e-Taiba -- and the al-Qaeda-connected TTP are deadly against shrines and the rituals attached.

A recent publication of one of such banned militant outfits, which claims to be a relief organisation, severely criticised American interest in renovating and preserving shrines of Sufi saints in Pakistan by offering generous financial grants. The said column in the weekly Jarrar (dated April 30, 2010) lashed out at the ruling elite -- the present PM and FM included -- who are the successors of saints and boast a large following in south Punjab's city of Multan also known as the city of saints. It reads, "These rulers receive bagfuls of US dollars for the graves of their forefathers called Pirs, but they have no mercy for thousands of common people who are killed in America's drone attacks in the tribal areas…"

"Attack on places like Data Darbar shouldn't surprise any one, given the present wave of religious militancy," says educationist and analyst A H Nayyar, talking to TNS.

"Some of these militant outfits such as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Jaish-e-Muhammad, Sipah e Sohaba Pakistan and Majlis-e-Tahfuz-e-Khatm-e-Nabuwwat have extremist views about their opposing sects. …These people are extremely harsh."

Nayyar gives the example of the killings of Shias in tribal areas by the TTP. "Even in Kurrum Agency where they are in majority, the Shias are savagely hounded and killed.

Similarly, these militants are harsh towards the followers of the Barelvi school of thought, he maintains.

According to official security reports (also available on the internet), rise in suicidal blasts and attacks are gradual but sure. In 2010, till July, there have been a total of 37 terrorist attacks -- big and small -- in the province of Punjab.

Between 2001 and 2005, only seven terrorist incidents were reported in the province but a year later the number went up to 28. In 2008 and 2009, 35 and 45 attacks were reported in Punjab, respectively.

Sectarian attacks are also on the rise and generally TTP and affiliated groups have claimed responsibility for them. Investigating agencies in Punjab believe the trend not only reveals militant groups' affinity of approach to sectarian issues but also a close nexus between Taliban and several major sectarian and militant groups in Punjab. The groups, known as the "Punjabi Taliban", are a splinter group of LeJ, JeM, SSP and many others. However, army and security forces personnel are the prime targets.

TTP, in Punjab, is working in coordination with groups that are anti Sunni Barelvi, anti-Shia and anti-Ahmadi, an investigator tells TNS, adding, "This has become a nexus and it is expanding its targets."

As per investigators, 11 major sectarian terrorist attacks have been reported in Punjab over the past five years. These include the ones in Chakwal, Dera Ghazi Khan and other cities. Their sectarian agenda also includes communal targeting like the SSP-led riots against Christians in Gojra, district Toba Tek Singh, and central Punjab and attacking Ahmadis in Lahore, Faisalabad and many other cities in Punjab. They also hit cultural, entertainment and secular symbols -- remember the low-intensity blasts at the music market on Hall Road, Lahore, and five low-intensity blasts in the walled city around the dancing girls' bazaar a couple of months ago. There have also been incidents where threatening letters were sent to the schools asking them to stop cultural and sports activities that involve women.

Though the government agencies are clueless about the July 1 shrine attackers, investigators have found some clues about the Ahmadiyya worship place attackers. Ma'az, one of the attackers arrested from the Model Town worship place in May 28 attacks on Ahmadis, is highly impressed by the JeM chief Maulana Masood Azhar. "He is a great admirer [of Azhar] and loves his sermons. He thinks that Ahmadis are wajabul Qatal," an investigator tells TNS.

It is also open that these attackers took shelter for two days at the Tablighi Jamaat headquarters in Lahore's suburbs. TJ is a known hardliner Deoband organisation which strictly stops paying homage to saints. The attackers also sought refuge in a mosque of Tableghi Jamaat in Lahore for two days before they executed their plan.

"The attack on the shrine is not a surprise, actually. According to reports, there have been 50 attacks on tombs and shrines in NWFP," says Shaukat Javed, former Inspector General of Punjab Police.

He adds that Barelvi congregations have been attacked in Karachi also, a couple of years back. That is why, they choose a mix of public places, tombs and security forces offices. "It is more ideological if you take the example of Iraq," he adds. "This is an ideological war and don't blame it on America, please."

The latest findings by the investigators of Ahmadiyya attacks have also led to the areas of six other local facilitators of these attacks. "They think that Pakistani state and security forces are standing with the infidels like America," says an investigator, adding, "These attackers want to make Islamic Emirates of Pakistan excluding all other sects."

Following the attacks on shrine and pressure from the Sunni Brelvi sect, the government, apparently, has closed the SSP head office in the central Punjab city of Jhang, a move considered discriminatory by the banned outfit. "There will be zero tolerance now. No banned outfit allows is to operate," says Mushtaq Sukhera, regional police office of Faisalabad.

Nayyar believes that this sectarianism will increase after such attacks. "I am sure this will further increase," he says, adding, "It is not an element of surprise. The country has a history of sectarian violence for the last 205 years." He says that you can expect any kind of violence by the religious fanatics. "The solution is to show zero tolerance to any kind of religious extremism." He recalls one incident of 1984 in fro0nt of Badshahi Mosque when there was a serious fight between Deoband and Brelvi.

vaqargillani@gmail.com

Swiss minaret debate: The real issue

Waqar Gillani

Banning new minarets of mosques in a liberal and democratic country like Switzerland has undoubtedly stunned the whole world. Generally, it has been dubbed a step towards the “clash of civilisations”.

An insight of the Swiss-minaret controversy shows some signs of fear and threats to the liberal norms of the Swiss society. These fears need a positive debate between the Swiss natives — those who overwhelmingly voted for the ban in the November 2009 referendum — and the Muslim parts.

A deeper study to know the background of the issue seems necessary to positively resolve the issue before terming this step an attack on Islam and before reacting to this legal right of the Swiss society.

The issue seems an attempt to assert values of liberal societies by taking measures that take up radical issues. Minaret is a symbol of fear and political hegemony for the Swiss society.

For Muslims minaret is a symbol of grandeur in the shape of an architectural identity of a religion and a democratic right. Collectively speaking, the decision is strange and condemnable but it needs efforts to unfold the hidden reasons and fears of the liberal societies like the Swiss.

On November 29, 2009, the Swiss, through a referendum, decided to ban construction of new minarets of mosques. Switzerland's system of direct democracy enables citizens and pressure groups to demand change in the constitution if they can collect 100,000 signatures within 18 months.

In July 2008, the rightwing Swiss People’s Party handed in an initiative, “Against the Construction of Minarets”, to the government with 113,540 valid signatures. The referendum was supported by 57.5 percent participating voters. Only four of the 26 Swiss cantons opposed the initiative.

Supporters of minarets see them as political symbols and as a sign of what they term “Islamisation” of Switzerland. Opponents see the ban as infringing upon human rights and harmful to Switzerland’s image and a possible threat to peaceful co-existence of Christians and Muslims in the country.

The minaret controversy actually refers to the construction of minarets, which has been subject to legal and political controversy in Switzerland during the 2000s.

In 2007, a group of politicians mainly from the Swiss People’s Party and the Federal Democratic Union sought a constitutional ban on minarets. The controversy began in a small municipality in the northern part of Switzerland in 2005.
The contention involved the Turkish cultural association in Wangen bei Olten, which applied for a construction permit to build a six-metre-high minaret on an Islamic centre. The project faced opposition from surrounding residents. The Federal Supreme Court gave the final permission to build the 20 feet-high minaret. It was built in July 2009. From 2006 until 2008, members of the Swiss People's Party and the Federal Democratic Union launched several cantonal initiatives against the erection of minarets.

The reason to term the elevated towers on mosques as threat to the Swiss culture, rather a sign of tolerance and democracy in a liberal society, seems more social and internal. Minaret — considered a historic architectural symbol of Islam — has many reasons to build.

Primarily, it was built to spread the call for prayers of the Muslim. Minaret’s soaring presence can also be seen from far and Muslims can find their way to the mosque. The top of the minarets have tombs with proper spaces from where security can be maintained. Historically, it has an architectural value.

Another interesting aspect of minaret is of "grandeur". It’s height, and architect gives a sense of “grandeur” while relating to that particular religion- Islam. There is lot of Islamic literature including religious verses (Na’at) on the “grandeur” of the minaret of a mosque – especially the mosque of Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him) called as “Masjid-e-Nabvi.”

On the Salfi and Wahabi part of the Muslims, usually, there is only minaret on the mosque representing their faith in oneness of Allah. While, the other sects like Sunni and Shiites have different architects having more than one minaret too.

The issue seems reactionary. When a small number Muslim-immigrants of a county can move the higher courts of Switzerland to build a six-meter tall minaret on an Islamic centre as their rights then the possibility of reaction of the majority natives those fear the legal contradictions of Islam to their liberal norms can also be not ruled out. This reactionary move, automatically, creates a debate of the rights of the natives and the immigrants. The issue seems “grandeur” on the part of the Muslims and “fear” on the part of the Swiss natives.

The issue has spawned a debate of the rights of natives and the immigrants. Oskar Freysinger, member of parliament from Swiss Peoples’ Party — who is elected from the canton from where this controversy began — has reportedly said that these minarets, built with Salfi and Wahabi money, are now becoming “potential threat of islamification” in their society. He said Muslims are always welcome in Switzerland and their belief in Allah is no problem for the Swiss. “The only problem is the political and legal part of Islam where it is confrontation with liberal society and democracy. There are some parts of shariah that are contradictory to the Swiss legal system,” he said in an interview on Al-Jazeera. “They want to impose a particular view. Moderate Muslims need no minarets,” he added. The MP said it was not a theological problem. The MP also said, “We want equilibrium between different religions to be maintained. We have nothing against Islam but legal problems with some parts of Islam.”

Muslims seem disappointed after living for more than 40 years in a democratic Switzerland. They believe that the Swiss are misinformed by certain elements. But they have to respect this democratic vote of the Swiss people. They think this decision would be overruled by the United Nations, International Court of Justice, and higher forums where the matter has already been taken up. The issue has sent a message to other European and Western countries. It can become a trend in other countries too.

This seems to be the issue of multi-culturalism and its integration in the liberal societies. These societies generously allowed other cultures in their counties and now fear a misuse of this freedom realising a parallel conventional Islamic system in the hearts and minds of unchanged fundamental Muslims. An inclusive approach is required to positively debate such issues within the societies, inviting all tiers from the government, natives and immigrants.

The article has also been published in The News on Sunday, the Sunday edition of The News International. It is avialable at

http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/jan2010-weekly/nos-31-01-2010/pol1.htm#5

Anti Americanism in Pakistan: A matter of perception

Waqar Gillani

In certain sections of Pakistani society anti-Americanism seems to be rising. The feeling of hatred for the US exists historically in the country because of certain factors. More recently, a fresh debate has started on the US role in the region, especially after the controversial US aid coming into Pakistan in the form of Kerry-Lugar Act. The aid package was approved by the US Senate in September last year and signed as law by President Barack Obama in mid October.

The US and Pakistan governments should work together diplomatically and politically to deal with a situation coming out from anti-US sentiments. That can be done with employing good-governance to stop the silent majority of the country from seeing the aid as something bad for Pakistan.

The coming years seem to be tough for the US in this region. One way out of this situation is to ensure that affected people get the benefits of welfare projects. Certain religio-political elements, who do not see the Kerry-Lugar Act as something helpful for Pakistan, have taken to the streets with their usual “Go America go” slogans. For many, this situation has been created to make a political statement. Americans’ official vehicles were stopped at various check points on the main roads in Islamabad, Karachi and Lahore, which is an ordinary thing but the issue was highlighted in the press, creating ambiguities.

The Legatum Institute, a London-based think tank, has also recently produced a survey indicating that Pakistan is likely to become a more Islamist state and increasingly anti-American in the coming years. “Rather than an Islamist takeover, you should look at a subtle power shift from a secular pro-Western society to an Islamist anti-American one,” said Jonathan Paris, who produced the report.

There are multiple factors of this rising anti-Americanism in Pakistan. This is intentional and also unintentional. Many people, unintentionally seeing the history of US policies in Pakistan and in this region, believe that US is doing wrong. They also believe that the culture of both nations is different. They agree with democracy and constitutionalism of US but not their culture. And this is also because of the US itself. US policies have worked to make people hate them.

Still, the US role in helping thousands of people affected by the earthquake of 2005 is appreciated. There were many US camps in Pakistani Administered Kashmir, which provided relief to the quake-hit victims. The US can develop goodwill with the people at the grassroots level by contacting them at the local level.

To some, the anti-US propaganda is deliberate. They believe that the US is not playing a constructive role in Afghanistan. They think that the US is not serious in helping Pakistan and India resolve the Kashmir issue, etc. These are the fears that emanate from the past.

Iran is another example. When in 1970s, the US issued more than 8,000 diplomatic passports to his citizens that created a serious problem. Such things started creating misperceptions in the Iranian society. In Pakistan, political discourse is dominantly religious. Vernacular media (Urdu media) and the political forces in the opposition also fan anti-American sentiments to gain political benefits.

In this situation, the growing anti-Americanism in the country and expanding American infrastructure, in the form of expanding embassy and consulates and bringing more staff for streamlining the Kerry-Lugar aid would be giving a tough time to the US policymakers in the coming few years.

If the situation remains the same, there is a possibility of rising misunderstandings between the two societies. The US will have to play a positive role. The government of Pakistan, which is at the receiving end, needs to deliver the goods to generate goodwill. Otherwise, the trust deficit between the people of Pakistan and the US will continue to increase. Ultimately, it will also be very difficult for the Pakistan government to not standby with the people. A strong commitment on the part of the two governments is required to deliver to the people so that the conflict is resolved.

There seems to be no strategy in place to deal with this issue through a discourse. The spending of billions of US dollars will make a difference only if it addresses the problems of the common people. A lot will depend on how this aid is spent. There is a need for preparing a comprehensive strategy to deliver the goods with good governance and administration by the government of Pakistan. Have the US and Pakistan governments prepared a system for proper utilisation of the aid? That is a serious question. 

The article has also been published in The News on Sunday, the Sunday edition of The News International. It is avialable at 

http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/jan2010-weekly/nos-17-01-2010/pol1.htm#9